WebThe 5 best Binary Options trading strategies Professional tutorial for beginners Examples High hit-rate Read now. The number 50 – indicates that an equal number of active traders want to purchase and sell the asset. The number – indicates that all the traders active on the platform want to purchase the asset WebCall and Put are simply the terms given to buying or selling an option. If a trader thinks the underlying price will go up in value, they can open a blogger.com where they expect the price to go down, they can place a put trade.. Different trading platforms label their trading buttons different, some even switch between Buy/Sell and Call/Put Web20/11/ · Pocket Option – Overall Best Binary Options Trading Site, Editor’s Pick blogger.com – Recommended For Variety Of Trading Features IQCent – Top Rated Site To Get Brokers For Copy Trading blogger.com is an award-winning online trading provider that helps its clients to trade on financial markets through binary options and CFDs. Trading binary options and CFDs on Synthetic Indices is classified as a gambling activity. Remember that gambling can be addictive – please play responsibly. Learn more about Responsible Trading. Some WebDifferent options to open legislation in order to view more content on screen at once Explanatory Notes Text created by the government department responsible for the subject matter of the Act to explain what the Act sets out to achieve and to make the Act accessible to readers who are not legally qualified ... read more
Margin of error ±3. Percentages may not add up to due to rounding. Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way that Gavin Newsom is handling his job as governor of California? Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way that the California Legislature is handling its job? Do you think things in California are generally going in the right direction or the wrong direction?
Thinking about your own personal finances—would you say that you and your family are financially better off, worse off, or just about the same as a year ago? Next, some people are registered to vote and others are not. Are you absolutely certain that you are registered to vote in California? Are you registered as a Democrat, a Republican, another party, or are you registered as a decline-to-state or independent voter?
Would you call yourself a strong Republican or not a very strong Republican? Do you think of yourself as closer to the Republican Party or Democratic Party? Which one of the seven state propositions on the November 8 ballot are you most interested in?
Initiative Constitutional Amendment and Statute. It allows in-person sports betting at racetracks and tribal casinos, and requires that racetracks and casinos that offer sports betting to make certain payments to the state—such as to support state regulatory costs.
The fiscal impact is increased state revenues, possibly reaching tens of millions of dollars annually. Some of these revenues would support increased state regulatory and enforcement costs that could reach the low tens of millions of dollars annually.
If the election were held today, would you vote yes or no on Proposition 26? Initiative Constitutional Amendment. It allows Indian tribes and affiliated businesses to operate online and mobile sports wagering outside tribal lands. It directs revenues to regulatory costs, homelessness programs, and nonparticipating tribes.
Some revenues would support state regulatory costs, possibly reaching the mid-tens of millions of dollars annually.
If the election were held today, would you vote yes or no on Proposition 27? Initiative Statute. It allocates tax revenues to zero-emission vehicle purchase incentives, vehicle charging stations, and wildfire prevention. If the election were held today, would you vote yes or no on Proposition 30? Do you agree or disagree with these statements? Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way that Joe Biden is handling his job as president?
Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way Alex Padilla is handling his job as US Senator? Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way Dianne Feinstein is handling her job as US Senator? Overall, do you approve or disapprove of the way the US Congress is handling its job? Do you think things in the United States are generally going in the right direction or the wrong direction?
How satisfied are you with the way democracy is working in the United States? Are you very satisfied, somewhat satisfied, not too satisfied, or not at all satisfied? These days, do you feel [rotate]  optimistic [or]  pessimistic that Americans of different political views can still come together and work out their differences?
What is your opinion with regard to race relations in the United States today? Would you say things are [rotate 1 and 2]  better ,  worse , or about the same than they were a year ago? When it comes to racial discrimination, which do you think is the bigger problem for the country today—[rotate]  People seeing racial discrimination where it really does NOT exist [or]  People NOT seeing racial discrimination where it really DOES exist? Next, Next, would you consider yourself to be politically: [read list, rotate order top to bottom].
Generally speaking, how much interest would you say you have in politics—a great deal, a fair amount, only a little, or none? Mark Baldassare is president and CEO of the Public Policy Institute of California, where he holds the Arjay and Frances Fearing Miller Chair in Public Policy.
He is a leading expert on public opinion and survey methodology, and has directed the PPIC Statewide Survey since He is an authority on elections, voter behavior, and political and fiscal reform, and the author of ten books and numerous publications. Before joining PPIC, he was a professor of urban and regional planning in the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, where he held the Johnson Chair in Civic Governance.
He has conducted surveys for the Los Angeles Times , the San Francisco Chronicle , and the California Business Roundtable. He holds a PhD in sociology from the University of California, Berkeley. Dean Bonner is associate survey director and research fellow at PPIC, where he coauthors the PPIC Statewide Survey—a large-scale public opinion project designed to develop an in-depth profile of the social, economic, and political attitudes at work in California elections and policymaking.
He has expertise in public opinion and survey research, political attitudes and participation, and voting behavior. Before joining PPIC, he taught political science at Tulane University and was a research associate at the University of New Orleans Survey Research Center.
He holds a PhD and MA in political science from the University of New Orleans. Rachel Lawler is a survey analyst at the Public Policy Institute of California, where she works with the statewide survey team. In that role, she led and contributed to a variety of quantitative and qualitative studies for both government and corporate clients.
She holds an MA in American politics and foreign policy from the University College Dublin and a BA in political science from Chapman University. Deja Thomas is a survey analyst at the Public Policy Institute of California, where she works with the statewide survey team. Prior to joining PPIC, she was a research assistant with the social and demographic trends team at the Pew Research Center. In that role, she contributed to a variety of national quantitative and qualitative survey studies.
She holds a BA in psychology from the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa. This survey was supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Ruben Barrales Senior Vice President, External Relations Wells Fargo. Mollyann Brodie Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer Henry J.
Kaiser Family Foundation. Bruce E. Cain Director Bill Lane Center for the American West Stanford University. Jon Cohen Chief Research Officer and Senior Vice President, Strategic Partnerships and Business Development Momentive-AI. Joshua J. Dyck Co-Director Center for Public Opinion University of Massachusetts, Lowell. Lisa García Bedolla Vice Provost for Graduate Studies and Dean of the Graduate Division University of California, Berkeley. Russell Hancock President and CEO Joint Venture Silicon Valley.
Sherry Bebitch Jeffe Professor Sol Price School of Public Policy University of Southern California. Carol S. Larson President Emeritus The David and Lucile Packard Foundation. Lisa Pitney Vice President of Government Relations The Walt Disney Company. Robert K. Ross, MD President and CEO The California Endowment.
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Examples of derivatives include calls, puts, futures, forwards , swaps , and mortgage-backed securities, among others. In terms of valuing option contracts, it is essentially all about determining the probabilities of future price events. The more likely something is to occur, the more expensive an option that profits from that event would be. For instance, a call value goes up as the stock underlying goes up.
This is the key to understanding the relative value of options. The less time there is until expiry, the less value an option will have. This is because the chances of a price move in the underlying stock diminish as we draw closer to expiry. This is why an option is a wasting asset. Because time is a component of the price of an option, a one-month option is going to be less valuable than a three-month option.
This is because with more time available, the probability of a price move in your favor increases, and vice versa. Accordingly, the same option strike that expires in a year will cost more than the same strike for one month.
This wasting feature of options is a result of time decay. Volatility also increases the price of an option. This is because uncertainty pushes the odds of an outcome higher. If the volatility of the underlying asset increases, larger price swings increase the possibilities of substantial moves both up and down. Greater price swings will increase the chances of an event occurring. Therefore, the greater the volatility, the greater the price of the option.
Options trading and volatility are intrinsically linked to each other in this way. On most U. The majority of the time, holders choose to take their profits by trading out closing out their position. This means that option holders sell their options in the market, and writers buy their positions back to close. Fluctuations in option prices can be explained by intrinsic value and extrinsic value , which is also known as time value.
An option's premium is the combination of its intrinsic value and time value. Intrinsic value is the in-the-money amount of an options contract, which, for a call option, is the amount above the strike price that the stock is trading.
Time value represents the added value an investor has to pay for an option above the intrinsic value. This is the extrinsic value or time value. So the price of the option in our example can be thought of as the following:. In real life, options almost always trade at some level above their intrinsic value, because the probability of an event occurring is never absolutely zero, even if it is highly unlikely. Options are a type of derivative security. An option is a derivative because its price is intrinsically linked to the price of something else.
If you buy an options contract , it grants you the right but not the obligation to buy or sell an underlying asset at a set price on or before a certain date. A call option gives the holder the right to buy a stock and a put option gives the holder the right to sell a stock. Think of a call option as a down payment on a future purchase. Options involve risks and are not suitable for everyone. Options trading can be speculative in nature and carry a substantial risk of loss.
A call option gives the holder the right, but not the obligation, to buy the underlying security at the strike price on or before expiration. A call option will therefore become more valuable as the underlying security rises in price calls have a positive delta. A long call can be used to speculate on the price of the underlying rising, since it has unlimited upside potential but the maximum loss is the premium price paid for the option.
A potential homeowner sees a new development going up. That person may want the right to purchase a home in the future but will only want to exercise that right after certain developments around the area are built.
The potential homebuyer would benefit from the option of buying or not. Well, they can—you know it as a non-refundable deposit. The potential homebuyer needs to contribute a down payment to lock in that right. With respect to an option, this cost is known as the premium. It is the price of the option contract.
This is one year past the expiration of this option. Now the homebuyer must pay the market price because the contract has expired. Opposite to call options, a put gives the holder the right, but not the obligation, to instead sell the underlying stock at the strike price on or before expiration.
A long put, therefore, is a short position in the underlying security, since the put gains value as the underlying's price falls they have a negative delta. Protective puts can be purchased as a sort of insurance, providing a price floor for investors to hedge their positions. Now, think of a put option as an insurance policy. The policy has a face value and gives the insurance holder protection in the event the home is damaged. What if, instead of a home, your asset was a stock or index investment?
Call options and put options are used in a variety of situations. The table below outlines some use cases for call and put options. Many brokers today allow access to options trading for qualified customers. If you want access to options trading you will have to be approved for both margin and options with your broker.
Once approved, there are four basic things you can do with options:. Buying stock gives you a long position. Buying a call option gives you a potential long position in the underlying stock. Short-selling a stock gives you a short position. Selling a naked or uncovered call gives you a potential short position in the underlying stock.
Buying a put option gives you a potential short position in the underlying stock. Selling a naked or unmarried put gives you a potential long position in the underlying stock.
Keeping these four scenarios straight is crucial. People who buy options are called holders and those who sell options are called writers of options. Here is the important distinction between holders and writers:. Options can also generate recurring income. Additionally, they are often used for speculative purposes, such as wagering on the direction of a stock. Note that options trading usually comes with trading commissions: often a flat per-trade fee plus a smaller amount per contract.
Call options and put options can only function as effective hedges when they limit losses and maximize gains. In such a scenario, your put options expire worthless. If the price declines as you bet it would in your put options , then your maximum gains are also capped. Therefore, your gains are not capped and are unlimited.
The table below summarizes gains and losses for options buyers. As the name indicates, going long on a call involves buying call options, betting that the price of the underlying asset will increase with time.
Therefore, a long call promises unlimited gains. If the stock goes in the opposite price direction i. In a short call, the trader is on the opposite side of the trade i.
A covered call limits their losses. In a covered call, the trader already owns the underlying asset. Thus, a covered call limits losses and gains because the maximum profit is limited to the amount of premiums collected. Covered calls writers can buy back the options when they are close to in the money. Experienced traders use covered calls to generate income from their stock holdings and balance out tax gains made from other trades.
The losses are also capped because the trader can let the options expire worthless if prices move in the opposite direction. Therefore, the maximum losses that the trader will experience are limited to the premium amounts paid. In a short put, the trader will write an option betting on a price increase and sell it to buyers.
In this case, the maximum gains for a trader are limited to the premium amount collected. However, the maximum losses can be unlimited because she will have to buy the underlying asset to fulfill her obligations if buyers decide to exercise their option. Despite the prospect of unlimited losses, a short put can be a useful strategy if the trader is reasonably certain that the price will increase.
The trader can buy back the option when its price is close to being in the money and generates income through the premium collected. The simplest options position is a long call or put by itself.
Please check back soon for future events, and sign up to receive invitations to our events and briefings. December 1, Speaker Series on California's Future — Virtual Event.
November 30, Virtual Event. November 18, Annual Water Conference — In-Person and Online. We believe in the power of good information to build a brighter future for California. Help support our mission. Mark Baldassare , Dean Bonner , Rachel Lawler , and Deja Thomas. Supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Miller Foundation and the James Irvine Foundation. California voters have now received their mail ballots, and the November 8 general election has entered its final stage.
Amid rising prices and economic uncertainty—as well as deep partisan divisions over social and political issues—Californians are processing a great deal of information to help them choose state constitutional officers and state legislators and to make policy decisions about state propositions. The midterm election also features a closely divided Congress, with the likelihood that a few races in California may determine which party controls the US House.
These are among the key findings of a statewide survey on state and national issues conducted from October 14 to 23 by the Public Policy Institute of California:.
Today, there is a wide partisan divide: seven in ten Democrats are optimistic about the direction of the state, while 91 percent of Republicans and 59 percent of independents are pessimistic. Californians are much more pessimistic about the direction of the country than they are about the direction of the state. Majorities across all demographic groups and partisan groups, as well as across regions, are pessimistic about the direction of the United States.
A wide partisan divide exists: most Democrats and independents say their financial situation is about the same as a year ago, while solid majorities of Republicans say they are worse off. Regionally, about half in the San Francisco Bay Area and Los Angeles say they are about the same, while half in the Central Valley say they are worse off; residents elsewhere are divided between being worse off and the same. The shares saying they are worse off decline as educational attainment increases.
Strong majorities across partisan groups feel negatively, but Republicans and independents are much more likely than Democrats to say the economy is in poor shape. Today, majorities across partisan, demographic, and regional groups say they are following news about the gubernatorial election either very or fairly closely. In the upcoming November 8 election, there will be seven state propositions for voters.
Due to time constraints, our survey only asked about three ballot measures: Propositions 26, 27, and For each, we read the proposition number, ballot, and ballot label. Two of the state ballot measures were also included in the September survey Propositions 27 and 30 , while Proposition 26 was not.
This measure would allow in-person sports betting at racetracks and tribal casinos, requiring that racetracks and casinos offering sports betting make certain payments to the state to support state regulatory costs. It also allows roulette and dice games at tribal casinos and adds a new way to enforce certain state gambling laws. Fewer than half of likely voters say the outcome of each of these state propositions is very important to them.
Today, 21 percent of likely voters say the outcome of Prop 26 is very important, 31 percent say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important, and 42 percent say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important.
Today, when it comes to the importance of the outcome of Prop 26, one in four or fewer across partisan groups say it is very important to them. About one in three across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important to them. Fewer than half across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important to them. When asked how they would vote if the election for the US House of Representatives were held today, 56 percent of likely voters say they would vote for or lean toward the Democratic candidate, while 39 percent would vote for or lean toward the Republican candidate.
Democratic candidates are preferred by a point margin in Democratic-held districts, while Republican candidates are preferred by a point margin in Republican-held districts.
Abortion is another prominent issue in this election. When asked about the importance of abortion rights, 61 percent of likely voters say the issue is very important in determining their vote for Congress and another 20 percent say it is somewhat important; just 17 percent say it is not too or not at all important.
With the controlling party in Congress hanging in the balance, 51 percent of likely voters say they are extremely or very enthusiastic about voting for Congress this year; another 29 percent are somewhat enthusiastic while 19 percent are either not too or not at all enthusiastic. Today, Democrats and Republicans have about equal levels of enthusiasm, while independents are much less likely to be extremely or very enthusiastic.
As Californians prepare to vote in the upcoming midterm election, fewer than half of adults and likely voters are satisfied with the way democracy is working in the United States—and few are very satisfied.
Satisfaction was higher in our February survey when 53 percent of adults and 48 percent of likely voters were satisfied with democracy in America. Today, half of Democrats and about four in ten independents are satisfied, compared to about one in five Republicans.
Notably, four in ten Republicans are not at all satisfied. In addition to the lack of satisfaction with the way democracy is working, Californians are divided about whether Americans of different political positions can still come together and work out their differences.
Forty-nine percent are optimistic, while 46 percent are pessimistic. Today, in a rare moment of bipartisan agreement, about four in ten Democrats, Republicans, and independents are optimistic that Americans of different political views will be able to come together. Notably, in , half or more across parties, regions, and demographic groups were optimistic.
Today, about eight in ten Democrats—compared to about half of independents and about one in ten Republicans—approve of Governor Newsom. Across demographic groups, about half or more approve of how Governor Newsom is handling his job.
Approval of Congress among adults has been below 40 percent for all of after seeing a brief run above 40 percent for all of Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to approve of Congress. Fewer than half across regions and demographic groups approve of Congress. Approval in March was at 44 percent for adults and 39 percent for likely voters. Across demographic groups, about half or more approve among women, younger adults, African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latinos.
Views are similar across education and income groups, with just fewer than half approving. Approval in March was at 41 percent for adults and 36 percent for likely voters. Across regions, approval reaches a majority only in the San Francisco Bay Area. Across demographic groups, approval reaches a majority only among African Americans. This map highlights the five geographic regions for which we present results; these regions account for approximately 90 percent of the state population.
Residents of other geographic areas in gray are included in the results reported for all adults, registered voters, and likely voters, but sample sizes for these less-populous areas are not large enough to report separately. The PPIC Statewide Survey is directed by Mark Baldassare, president and CEO and survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California. Coauthors of this report include survey analyst Deja Thomas, who was the project manager for this survey; associate survey director and research fellow Dean Bonner; and survey analyst Rachel Lawler.
The Californians and Their Government survey is supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Findings in this report are based on a survey of 1, California adult residents, including 1, interviewed on cell phones and interviewed on landline telephones.
The sample included respondents reached by calling back respondents who had previously completed an interview in PPIC Statewide Surveys in the last six months. Interviews took an average of 19 minutes to complete. Interviewing took place on weekend days and weekday nights from October 14—23, Cell phone interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of cell phone numbers.
Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of cell phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California. All cell phone numbers with California area codes were eligible for selection. After a cell phone user was reached, the interviewer verified that this person was age 18 or older, a resident of California, and in a safe place to continue the survey e. Cell phone respondents were offered a small reimbursement to help defray the cost of the call.
Cell phone interviews were conducted with adults who have cell phone service only and with those who have both cell phone and landline service in the household. Landline interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of telephone numbers that ensured that both listed and unlisted numbers were called.
Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of landline phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California. All landline telephone exchanges in California were eligible for selection. For both cell phones and landlines, telephone numbers were called as many as eight times.
When no contact with an individual was made, calls to a number were limited to six. Also, to increase our ability to interview Asian American adults, we made up to three additional calls to phone numbers estimated by Survey Sampling International as likely to be associated with Asian American individuals.
Accent on Languages, Inc. The survey sample was closely comparable to the ACS figures. To estimate landline and cell phone service in California, Abt Associates used state-level estimates released by the National Center for Health Statistics—which used data from the National Health Interview Survey NHIS and the ACS.
The estimates for California were then compared against landline and cell phone service reported in this survey. We also used voter registration data from the California Secretary of State to compare the party registration of registered voters in our sample to party registration statewide.
The sampling error, taking design effects from weighting into consideration, is ±3. This means that 95 times out of , the results will be within 3. The sampling error for unweighted subgroups is larger: for the 1, registered voters, the sampling error is ±4. For the sampling errors of additional subgroups, please see the table at the end of this section. Sampling error is only one type of error to which surveys are subject.
Results may also be affected by factors such as question wording, question order, and survey timing. We present results for five geographic regions, accounting for approximately 90 percent of the state population.
Residents of other geographic areas are included in the results reported for all adults, registered voters, and likely voters, but sample sizes for these less-populous areas are not large enough to report separately.
We also present results for congressional districts currently held by Democrats or Republicans, based on residential zip code and party of the local US House member. We compare the opinions of those who report they are registered Democrats, registered Republicans, and no party preference or decline-to-state or independent voters; the results for those who say they are registered to vote in other parties are not large enough for separate analysis.
We also analyze the responses of likely voters—so designated per their responses to survey questions about voter registration, previous election participation, intentions to vote this year, attention to election news, and current interest in politics. The percentages presented in the report tables and in the questionnaire may not add to due to rounding.
Additional details about our methodology can be found at www. pdf and are available upon request through surveys ppic. October 14—23, 1, California adult residents; 1, California likely voters English, Spanish. Margin of error ±3.
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